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In Solidarity 242, we began publishing a series of recollections and reflections from activists who had been involved with the “third camp” left in the United States — those “unorthodox” Trotskyists who believed that the Soviet Union was not a “workers’ state” (albeit a “degenerated” one), but an exploitative form of class rule to be as opposed as much as capitalism.
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Mike Wood reviews the new online archive of the first series of the New Politics journal.
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I grew up in a working-class neighbourhood on the South Side of Chicago. My Dutch immigrant grandfather, John Cornelius La Botz, became a socialist in Chicago during the Great Depression.
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In the debate between Sean Matgamna and Jim Higgins (Workers’ Liberty June 1996; July 1996; September 1996; February/March 1997) both sides have, in passing, invoked Hal Draper in their defence.
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Most of the references one hears to the student movement of the thirties, and most published references too, are quite wrong in one basic respect: they speak as if “the thirties” represented a single, homogeneous period for the student movement.
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Introduction (2010)
Stalinism dominated and shaped the would-be left for two thirds of the 20th century.
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The idea of Gordon Brown writing on the future of socialism will come as a surprise to many, but that is precisely what he invites us to discuss in his foreword to a new edition of Anthony Crosland’s The Future of British Socialism.
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The British line was consistently directed toward fomenting the Pan-Arab reaction against the partition.
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By Hal Draper
THERE is a paradox - only an apparent one - in the development of Stalinist imperialism. Stalinism arose out of the counter-revolution in Russia under the slogan of building “socialism in one country” as against the perspective of “world revolution” represented by the Bolshevik left wing under Trotsky. An historic internal struggle took place within the party under these different banners, in which, as everybody knows, the Stalinist wing won out.
