Israel at sixty: We still stand for two states
May 2008. Sixty years after the declaration of the state of Israel in compliance with the November 1947 resolution of the UN. The conflict with the Palestinians and the Arabs which at the Jewish state’s birth led to Arab invasion, war and the elimination of the Palestinian state stipulated in the UN resolution (almost all its territory went to Jordan and Egypt) is, perhaps, further from being resolved now than it was sixty years ago. The 41 year occupation of territory captured in the June 1967 war continues to poison Isreali-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab relations.
Israel economicaly blockades Gaza. Food, fuel and medicine in Gaza are in perilously short supply.
Egypt brokers a deal with the Gazan Islamist jihadist/nationalist factions for a ceasefire with Israel: the Israeli government dismisses the Egyptian “ceasefire process” on the grounds that it boosts Hamas. One hopeful sign: there is relative calm on the Gazan-Israel border: Hamas rockets have virtually stopped... for now.
A few days before the Egyptian deal, four Gazan children and their mother were killed by the Israeli military out on another mission to hit back at Hamas gunmen. Whether the ceasefire goes through or not, such things will continue.
Elsewhere on Israel’s borders, in Lebanon, another conflict is escalating — between Hizbollah and its Sunni and Druze rivals.
Israel celebrates 60 years of existence. That existence has been under greater threat in the past — when it faced many more hostile Arab governments than now. That existence has also been more secure — at times when Israeli governments were less belligerent, more willing to negotiate with the Palestinians.
The political failures and repeated cycles of violence that have brought about this tragic situation for ordinary Israeli and Palestinian workers are well known:
Arial Sharon’s invasion of the West Bank and virtual destruction of the Palestinian Authority;
the rise of Hamas and the Hamas-spearheaded campaign of suicide bombs in Israel;
the building of the separation wall and the scandalous construction of Israeli settlements;
the intricate Israeli “security infrastructure” — it isn’t just about security — which cuts Palestinian territory in pieces;
the isolation of Gaza;
Fatah corruption contributed greatly to the rise of clerical fascist Hamas;
Hamas suicide bombs helped turn most Israelis against believing peace was possible.
Central to the present terrible situation has been the refusal of the western big powers — in the first place the US — to put enough pressure on Israel to compel the Israeli goverment to negotiate and stick to a settlement with the Palestinians.
The peace movement newsletter, The Other Israel describes the consequent debasement of politics: “What makes it so extremely difficult to act nowadays is not the killing in itself — however sickening the daily news. It is the cloying cover of unbearably unconvincing sham and pretence, spread over the yawning gap of raw fear, hatred and bloodshed. The cheapening of words; terms, ideas which had once been taken seriously [about two states]. The solemn pronouncements and ceremonies which arouse no hope, nothing but a cynical shrug.”
Despite the US’s recent diplomatic efforts and Condeleeeza Rice’s frequent visits to Israel for the declared objective to help Palestinians win an independent state the efforts are more about undermining Hamas. They green light the Israeli blockade and other Israeli chauvinism which do not diminish Hamas, but increase its support.
It is a time for socialists to take stock, a time for restating our basic attitudes. We must once more commit ourselves to solidarity action that is consistent with the only long-term political framework that can reconcile the peoples of the Israeli-Palestinian territory: two states for two peoples.
• We oppose the economic blockade of Gaza. As US “liberal” Nathan Brown describes, this has nothing to do with any justifiable, “ordinary” political pressure against clerical fascist Hamas: “The cumulative effect [of the sanctions]… can hardly be described as calibrated pressure; instead it is better described as an attempt to shut down an economy encompassing a million and a half people combined with an international effort to mitigate the most severe effects of engineered economic collapse.”
Gaza, that is the entire population of Gaza, has been held to ransom.
• Socialists should not give one iota of political support to Hamas. Bit by bit Hamas is establishing a repressive clerical fascist regime in Gaza. It enforces repressive “security” and justice, media compliance and increasingly Islamist social pressure. In Gaza it applies its programme for the whole of Palestine, should it win overall control.
• Socialists should oppose the left that promotes Hamas as anti-imperialist heroes (often against the “imperialist stooges” of Fatah). Simon Assaf is Socialist Worker’s main Hamas promoter. It is dirty and dishonest work. For instance in an article in SW (29 January) he describe Hamas as a “movement” — not the strong highly organised and centralised group with a cell structure that it is. He calls it “a resistance organisation” — but not the political Islamist organisation that it is.
And Hamas stands for? He says that it is simply that part of the movement that “rejects any peace deal with Israel that does not address the central issues faced by Palestinians.” Implying that its rejectionism is to do with the terms of any two state deal. But Hamas rejects “two states” entirely; it wants to see an Islamic state in the entire territory of Israel-Palestine!
• Socialists must solidarise with those Palestinians who combine opposition to Israeli occupation with resisting Islamist social pressure and repression in Gaza and elsewhere.
• Socialists can have no political faith in the waning Bush administration to stitch up any deal in Israel-Palestine, let alone one that does much justice to the Palestinians.
• Socialists warn against future military moves by Israel against Gaza, moves that seen increasingly likely.
• Socialists must call for an international solidarity campaign which focuses on: Israel withdraw to the 67 borders, for a Palestinian state alongside Israel, in contiguos territory where the Palestinians are the basic majority. An independent Palestine — even if Hamas ruled there — would be better than the status quo. Palestinians would have their national rights.
• Socialists must support the Jewish and Arab Israeli grass root campaigns against the occupation. A demonstration against the most recent Israeli military incursion into Gaza mobilised broader layers than usual (see report by an Israeli socialist here).
• International socialists must support the campaign of Gush Shalom to send humanitarian aid convoys to Gaza;
• Back the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitons who speak out against Israel’s driving out of the Bedouin in the Negev.
• Support the Arab Jaffa residents who stood in solidarity with poor Jews expelled to make way for posh developments in Tel Aviv. The significance of this working class and poor people's solidarity accross the rives of blood and hatred is a small example of the sort of attitude that could radically transform the whole situation for the better.
The only way to undermine and destroy the dishonesty and bankrupt ideology of the ruling classes and reactionary political forces who dominate the terms of the Middle East conflict is a strong grass roots counterweight — a militant labour movement in the Israeli and Arab working classes committed to a democratic solution to the conflict, two states. That is the only way to build. A confident, uncompromising, democratic peace movement and credible secular alternatives. Our solidarity can help the alternatives that do exist to grow much stronger.
• Solidarity:
Middle East Workers’ Solidarity
Gush Shalom (Israeli peace group)
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2 Nations - 2 States
I do not agree with everything AWL say, but I do not want to dwell on the differences. AWL have been campaigning for a 2 state solution to the Israel / Palestinian crisis since the mid 1980s. Such a solution has not yet come about and it is a shame.
Those that campaign for a "one state" - destroy Israel solution are in what I hope to believe is a fantasy land. If it is not a fantasy and it comes to pass, then I fear it would be a genocidal solution irrespective of whether that is the intent of some of those campaigning for it. There is also part of the population in Israel who believe in a Greater Israel and would feel that giving up land for a Palestinian state would be a gross betrayal. That part of the Israeli population are in a distinct minority. I would guess that for the Palestinians a much larger proportion of them would be willing to accept a 2 state solution than was the case when AWL started arguing for it.
The election of Hamas spelled a disaster, not just for the prospects of an imminent peace, but also for the Palestinians. We now see, prima facie, different people ruling Gaza to those ruling the West Bank, even if in theory they should be the same people. With Hamas in charge, an organisation that flatly refuses to recognise Irael, there will be no peace. Hamas, no doubt in part, were elected because the Palestinians were fed up with the corruption of the PLO, but since they have gained power Hamas have done little to endear themselves to the population that elected them and their popularity has plummeted.A new election by the Palestinians that give a resounding "no" to Hamas and a yes to factions that are interested in a genuine peace will certainly be a step in the right direction.
Realistically, any peace agreement that is agreed will have the influence of the American government. George Bush's term in office is coming to an end but even he went further than any previous American incumbent President, stating categorically that he wanted to see a two-state solution and he added, "Swiss cheese isn't going to work when it comes to the territory of a state." By that, he clearly meant that the Palestinian State must be contiguous. He hoped that it would occur before his term in office ended. It would be great if that were possible, but as time moves on it increasingly looks like a pipe dream.
The situation will be made easier if a deal between Israel and the Palestinians can come about combined with a deal between Israel and the remaining Arab states that have so far still refused to recognise Israel. The increasing oil price has meant that the GCC countries, notably Saudi, have a lot more potential influence in the region. Saudi has its own well known problems, not least with extremists in its own country and a rule of law that does not fit in well with the way many of us understand the way an enlightened country should be run. Despite all of this, the Saudis will be key to a wider Israeli/Arab peace treaty. I suspect that they would back an agreed peace between Israel and the Palestinians. Irrespective of the fact that the Saudi Royal family do not fit in with our understanding in a democracy of how a country should be governed, it would be nice to see the Saudi Royal family, the rulers of other GCC countries and ideally Iraq turn up to Jerusalem and address the Knesset as part of a wider peace settlement.
What is occurring in Lebanon is, to say the least, unhelpful for peace. It is great shame that Hezbollah, a genocidal organisation, appears to have a more powerful and well organised militia than the Lebanese government. Posters appearing over Lebanon with a picture of the Syrian President show who is pulling some of Hezbollah's strings. It is widely accepted that Iran are also backing and influencing Hezbollah. Civil war is a real possibility and we must support the Lebanese government against Hezbollah.
A two sate solution with peace between Israel, the Palestinians and the wider Arab states does not therefore look like it is going to happen in the very near future, but I would hope that the sentiment for it is much higher on all sides than the time that AWL originally decided to support that position.
The 2 state solution is a sensible solution to the hostilities and AWL should continue campaigning for it.
the AWL support apartheid
"Ehud Olmert said Israel was "finished" if it forced the Palestinians into a struggle for equal rights.
If the two-state solution collapsed, he said, Israel would "face a South African-style struggle for equal voting rights, and as soon as that happens, the state of Israel is finished". Israel's supporters abroad would quickly turn against such a state, he said."
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/nov/30/israel
It would appear the racist Prime Minister of Israel understands the situation much better than the "Marxist" AWL.
bill j inverts the truth
The Prime Minister of Israel, in the quote that you give shows that he supports a two-state solution. That means giving the Palestinians a state that they have been waiting for. The more interesting question is why would you be against a two-state solution? In your case it is probably that you want a state for Palestinian Arabs but not for the Israeli Jews - that state you want destroyed. Why is it bll j that you and your like treat the state of Israel different to that of others?
What The Above Demnstrates
Mikey's anlysis of the situation is very interesting. Looked at from the point of view of some bourgeois diplomat sitting in the Foreign Office, or the State Department it balances the issues nicely, and assessses what might be a pleasant outcome. What is missing throughout, and what actually is missing from the AWL's analysis in terms of a solution is any mention of the working class!!!! For a socialist, let alone for a Marxist that would appear to be a significant omission!
Of course, in the best of all possible worlds some nice tidy two-state solution would be a significant improvement over the current situation, but the real world is far more complex than that. Mikey gives us some of the actual real world problems that such a solution poses, but skips over how these problems might be resolved, what consequiences they have for the Two State solution, let alone asks the question of if these problems were overcome, how they would be overcome, and what effect those solutions might have for whether socialists believed the outcome could be considered progressive, what consequecnes those solutions have for the Jewish and palestinian working class, and indee the working class internationally.
I have to say I was rather taken aback by the acceptance on face value of the good faith of George Bush in this matter. Bush has made vague statement in favour of a Two State solution knowing full well its not going to happen. He came out alongside with Blair at the time of the build up to the invasion of Iraq in order to offer some crumbs to the US's aliies in the region. The same thing happened prior to the first Gulf War. But the US's position is wholly duplicitous. It is building for a war against Iran, and has switched horses in Iraq building up the Sunni forces in the Sunni Triangle, whilst lending its support to the weak Iraqi bouregoisie and its political reperesentatives in SCIRI and DAWA for a Thermidorian class war against Sadr, and his plebeian supporters. It has supported Al Qaeda in Lebanon against the Shia Hezbollah, supported by Iran, it is supporting Fatah against the Iranian backed Hamas. Both the US and Israel know that as long as its opponents in the region can be divided and kept fighting each other, as long as the Palestian bouregoisie can be kept on the hook with the promise of their own bourgeois state those opponents will not pose a serious threat.
Of course Ohlmert in the same vein as Bush pronounces that he is in favour of Two States, but as much as Bush he knows it will not happen, and as long as the palestinians can be kept warring with each other both the US and Israel will have a straightforward answer. "Well we would, but not with Hamas, not until thre is some kind of demcocratic authority we can deal with."
But, of course the situation necessarily reproduces those condtions. The palestinians deprived of rights resist Israel, but the whole nationalistic basis of that oposition cuts them off from large swathes of the one force that could help them achieve basic democratic rights. The focus on the establishment of a separate state as the minimum goal emphasises that nationalism just as much as does the single Palestinian state position. It frames the discussion in terms of nationalism of national reformism rather than in class terms, logically it sets Palestinian worker against Jewish worker forcing each into the camp of their own bourgeoisie. So it is not surprising that witnessing that Israel can invade its territory with impunity large numbers of Palestinians ask the obvious question, "How viable, how indpendent would a Palestinian state be?" and so are driven in the direction not just of a two state solution but the single state solution. Hence the support for Hamas. Jewish workers on the other hand see repeated Palestinian suicide attacks, and ask the question "Wouldn't a separate state, especially one with Hamas in control, only give such people a more secure base, and the firepower of a State to aim at us?" The Greater israel and other religious fanatics in Israel might be a minority, but the fact that the West Bank has been turned into a Swiss Cheese is undeniable, and in the agreement for israel to withdraw from Gaza, Bush effectively gave the nod for that process to continue. It is unlikely that Israel will or could simply dismantle those settlements.
It is difficult to see even from the perspective of bouregois diplomacy how these problems could be resolved. Even did the huge problems not exist the only vehicles for the establishemnt of a Two State solution are the agreement of the Israeli and Palestinian bouregoisie, probably with some agreement form the surrounding Arab bouregois governments, and the agreement and support of the US. From a marxist perspective there is little progressive in such a solution that on the backs of, and over the heads of the working class of Palestine and Israel establishes another new bouregois class state, especially in the circumstances of what would be necessary for its establishment and fucntioning. But, if such a state were established it is naive to believe that the problems outlined above would simply vanish. Palestinians would continue to be aggrieved at the plight, with the continued existence of the wall, a financial dependence both on Israel and US imperialism and so on. In no real sense could such a state be considered to have achieved self-determination, it would be a vassal state. Large numbers of Palestinians would continue to blow themselvs up on Israeli territory as a result of these ocntinued grievances. Now Israel would blame a Palestinian State, hold its leaders to account, threaten action against it, just as Turkey does with Northern Iraq. In order to prevent such actions the Palestinian State would have to turn itself into a prison house for its own people, probably including a llarge military presence from US imperialism to keep order, and guarantee the peace. It would be a recruiting ground for islamic militants, and probably provide even more support for Hamas. For the workers of Palestine it would be a nightmare.
Could the workers of Palestine and Israel bring about a Two State solution? Would that resolve the above problems? In theory they could, but only under certain conditions. First of all it would requie a willingness on the part of both groups of workers to struggle for such a solution, but a primary condition for that is some unity between them, a unity which unfortunately, does not exist, and which the call for a Two States solution here and now cannot develop, not only because all of the background to that call including in its variant raised by the AWL is for that solution to be a bouregois solution, an agreement reached not between workers, but between bourgeois governments over the heads of workers. A precondiiton is that joint Jewish/Palestinian organisations be built that can begin to break down communal and nationalist divisions between those workers, overcome the fears and prejudices of each and thereby begin to cut the ground from beneath the communalists on both sides. But again the Two States solution as a maximalist demand cuts against that, because it emphasises not a common class interest, but a national interest. At best it would rest on the basis of some bouregois individualist notion of self-interest, not on any shared class interest. No doubt on that basis there will be Jewish individuals who will argue for God's sake give them a state so they will stop attacking us, but that kind of motivation based on individual self interest will quickly turn into its opposite when the attacks continue.
Moreover, a question arises about exactly what this would imply. If Jewish workers found sufficient common cause with Palestinian workers to demand that the Israeli state provide a separate Palestinian state, that it met all the aspirations of the Palestinians in that regard what does it tell us about the change in conscioussness within the Jewish workingc lass that would have to have occurred for that to happen? What is the process by which the change in conscioussness comes about. The proponents of Two States never say, but then they never see a place for the working class in this process to begin with. If that change in conscioussness arose could it not only arise on the back of some considerable sense of solidaity and unity developed between the Palestinian and Jewish working class? But, even were such a change to come about what would be the means by which this demand was implemented, forced on the ruling class? What would such a change in conscioussness and class relations mean in tems of the attitude of the Palestinian and Israeli bourgeoisie, would they not recoil at such a development in the same way that Trotsky describes in Permanent Revolution? Wouldn't such a development imply a growing over from the demand for a separate state, to a developing class war, as the bouregoisie determined its main enemy to be such a unified working class? That is what placing the centrality of the working class at the heart of the Two States demand implies. That is why those like the AWL that have sunk back into bouregois liberalism on the National Question do not posit the working class as central to this process, but instead frame their discussion around the movement of pieces on the chess board by the bourgeois diplomats and politicians.
If unity is to be built between Palestinian and Jewish workers for the demand for Two States it can only arise if common ground is found between them to fight for intemediate demands as opposed to the maximalist demand of a separate state. The fact is that Palestinians and Jews live in a single Israeli State. They have done so since 1967. But it is a state where the Palestinians lack any democratic rights. A starting point for building the kind of workers unity that would be required for the workers to impose a Two States soluton on their respective bouregoisies is that unity be built around a fight for those basic democratic rights for all Palestinians. Until a separate state is formed Palestinians should have the right as any other citizen to elect represntatives to the Parliament of the State they are in. They should have all the other basic demcoratic rights that the citizen of any other bouregois democracy enjoys. That should be the basic Minimum Programme of a fight for consistent demcoracy that Palestinian and Jewish workers are mobilised around. They should build common workers organisations to organise the fight for such demands, so undercutting communalism. Only on that basis can the workers build the necessary strength and unity, develop the encessary class cosnscioussness to be able to impose their solution on the bourgeoisie, and for a Marxist that is the only basis that the progressiveness of a demand can be assessed. But, my guess is that were such unity of purpose to be developed, were such a change of class conscioussness to arise the question of Two States would become secondary. The primary concern would become the struggle for power, not for the estblishemnt of a new bouregois state, but for the establishment of a workers state.
Differences of Opinion
I would like to thank Arthur for his comments. I mentioned that I did not want to dwell on the differences that I have with AWL. He suggests that my "significant omission" is that I do not mention "the working class." This, for Arthur, is such a severe omission that it is deserved of four exclamation marks. His own analysis, as he is fully prepared to admit, is a "Marxist" one. It would be safe to assume that my own analysis is not a Marxist one and a key difference that I have with AWL is that I am not a Marxist.
Olmert knows what he's talking about
Olmert knows what he's talking about. In comparing the Israeli state to Apartheid South Africa, he is being unusally candid. He supports a two state solution as he sees it as a means to guarantee the existence of Apartheid Israel.
Socialists should oppose all religious states, they are inherently undemocratic and oppressive. Olmert knows that. That's why he wants one.
Not On
I think Bill you should be as way as Mikey of taking at value what bourgeois politicians say. I think that th first part of what Ohlmert says is true. If the idea of Two States disappeared as an immediate solution for palestinians then there would be only two options open for Palestinians - either they decide that tey have to fight for the destruction of Israel and the establishemnt of a single Palestinian state, or esle they have to fight for democratic rights within the existing Israeli State. I think the first option has been demonstrated not only to be a reactionary daydream, but that Palestinians themselves must know they have no chance of achieving that aim. That's presumably why the majority of Palestinians continue to support Two States. But Two States is no more likely than a single Palestinian State given the current alignment of forces, and given that alignment of forces could only be brought about by a thoroughly reactionary process over the heads of workers, and at their expense. Only a transformation of that relationship of class forces can change that, and that will not happen overnight, or without a considerable amount of work to build Palestinian and Jewish workers unity. It will require a thorough Programme of democratic rights for Palestinians within the Israel including the Occupied territories. But, it is precisely that focus on a workers solution that is missing from your perspective, and the perspective of all the other single state advocates, and equally missing from the AWL's Two State perspective. For the reasons I have given necessarily so.
Ohlmert will continue to talk a good fuck about Two States knowing full well that as long as the Palestinian bourgeoisise and its main political representatives hang on to some hope of getting their own state there is some chance of maintaining the Palestinian masses within that dead end. In the meantime Israel will continue to swallow up the West Bank, whilst Gaza festers. It also means those politicians can continue to strut the world stage. But neither Ohlmert nor any US president has any real intention of establishing a Palestinian State, and Hamas and continued suicide bombings will continue to give them the resons why it never happens.
Only a workers solution can resolve the situation, and that cannot be built on the bouregois nationalist programmes put forward by the Left either in the "Idiot Anti-Imperialist" or the "idiot Imperialist" variety. The approach taken by Hal Draper here, and the line taken in respect of Northern Irleland here show the basis of the way forward.
Arthur Bough
Fabrications from start to finish
bill j's latest post really is quite pathetic. One wonders whether he can actually read properly. In his earlier post, he linked to an article in the Guardian where Olmert was reported to have said, as the headline fairly paraphrases it, "Israel risks apartheid-like struggle if two-state solution fails." bill j incorrectly reads that as saying Olmert compared "the Israeli state to Apartheid South Africa" which is clearly something he did not do. Moreover, bill j completely inverts what Olmert said by claiming that Olmert "supports a two state solution as he sees it as a means to guarantee the existence of Apartheid Israel." One need only read the headline in the Guardian article to see that bill j has inverted the truth. Finally, bill j claims that Olmert wants a religious state. For bill j's information Olmert is a secularist and he has no desire to have some kind of theocracy. bill j may do a little bit better if he learned how to read.
Olmert knows what he's talking about even if Mikey doesn't
Olmert isn't ambiguous. He compares Israel to Apartheid South Africa;
""We don't have unlimited time," he says. "More and more Palestinians are uninterested in a negotiated, two-state solution, because they want to change the essence of the conflict from an Algerian paradigm to a South African one. From a struggle against `occupation,' in their parlance, to a struggle for one-man-one-vote. That is, of course, a much cleaner struggle, a much more popular struggle - and ultimately a much more powerful one. For us, it would mean the end of the Jewish state. "
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=360533&contrassID=1&subContrassID=1&sbSubContrassID=0&listSrc=Y
In fact he's so convinced about the Apartheid nature of Israel that he points out he's said it more than once;
""If the day comes when the two-state solution collapses, and we face a South African-style struggle for equal voting rights (also for the Palestinians in the territories), then, as soon as that happens, the State of Israel is finished," Prime Minister Ehud Olmert told Haaretz Wednesday"
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/929439.html
Olmert at least has the virtue of being honest. Mikeymikey hasn't even got that.
And just to add it would appear that I am not the only one who can't read;
"Gerald Steinberg, chairman of the political science department at Israel's Bar-Ilan University, said Olmert's comments reflected a long-held belief. "The logic is precisely the same as the logic pursued by all Israeli governments since 1967: the realisation that you can't have a Jewish, democratic state and still control the lives of millions of Palestinians," he said."
The Guardian add;
"The Israeli government is usually bitterly resentful of any comparison to the apartheid regime but Olmert's remarks looked like an effort to galvanise support from a sceptical Israeli public for a return to peace negotiations with the Palestinians in the days after the Annapolis conference.
Israel has a 20% Arab minority who are citizens and can vote, although they are frequently discriminated against and are described by some as a "demographic threat". Within a few years the number of Arabs in Israel and the Palestinian territories is expected to equal, and then exceed, the number of Jews in Israel and the settlements. Some Palestinians argue that they should campaign for a so-called one-state solution: equal voting and citizenship rights within a larger country that includes Israel and the occupied territories and in which Palestinians will soon have a majority."
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/nov/30/israel
etc.
Funnily enough Condaleeza Rice has an alternative comparison for Israel - with the Jim Crow racist Southern states of the USA;
"In private conversations - and as she said in Annapolis - Rice tends to compare the Israeli occupation in the territories to the racial segregation that used to be the norm in the American South. The Israel Defense Forces checkpoints where Palestinians are detained remind her of the buses she rode as a child in Alabama, which had separate seats for blacks and whites. "
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/939202.html
bill j cannot read
Throughout the links that bill j has provided, Olmert has argued in favour of getting out of the occupied territories. From the first link provided which relates to an Olmert interview in 2003 he spoke of unilateral action which is exactly what Sharon did by pulling the Jews out of Gaza kicking and screaming. The occupation of the West Bank must also end and a Palestinian state set up. In order for this to happen realistically, and this may be what Arthur Bough calls a "bourgeois diplomat" solution, a Palestinian leadership who can be negotiated with must come in power. Given the decline in popularity for Hamas amongst the Palestinian residents of the West Bank and Gaza, this may become a possibility if the Palestinians have a new election. Israel being a democracy also has elections and under Likud it may be difficult. The Kadima party was set up by Sharon so that he could not be pushed around the Likud hardliners. Kadima can do the deal. The bigger question is can, or will, the Palestinians elect someone strong enough to do the deal who can keep the Palestinian one staters, who may prefer the use of the gun and suicide bombs to that of diplomacy, in check? It is a tough call, but with respect to Arthur Bough, I feel it is more likely than the Marxist solution he proposes.
Maybe
I don't like the comparison with Apartheid in South Africa. Clive Bradley has set out in detail elsewhere why such an analogy is problematic, and I have no intention of repeating all of his analysis here. There are clearly some similarities, but then you can make analagoies based on similarities for many things, the question is how helpful are they? Trotsky argued that you cannot understand phenomenon without referecne to historical precednts and analogies without having to re-invent the wheel every time you come to analyse things. But it snecessary to understand the rational inner core, not the superficial similarities. For one thing blacks in South Africa were a majority Palestinians are not. In South Africa blacks lived throughout the country and were not concentrated in particular territorial areas - had South Africa succeeded in creating Bantustrans the similarity might have been greater in that respect.
The point is that I think that both Bill and Mikey suffer from the same problem - so does the AWL and most if not all the Left - it fails to locate as the central mover in this process the only force capable of providing a progressive solution to the problem - the working class. All of the soluitons put forward are based not on proletarian internaitonalism, but on bourgeois nationalism, siding with one group of bourgeois nationalists over another. Those that advocate the overthrow of Israel SOUND revolutionary because they palce themselves on the side of an oppressed people, against state which is sub-imperialist, and which acts as an agent of US imperialism in the region. But their soluiton in reality has nothing to do with the kind of anti-imperialism advocated by Lenin and TRotsky who argued AGAINST siding with the kind of reactionary nationalist forces the "idiot-anti-imperialists" ally themselves with. For Lenin and TRotsky the anti-imperialist struggle was only progressive in so far as it tied in inextricably with the struggle for socialism on a world scale, the National Question could only be udnerstood within the context of that same struggle, only as a subordinate element within the context of an overally socialist programme. That is why they emphasised on the National Question that although they were in favour of defending the RIGHT of self-determination they would argue against it being taken up except in EXCEPTIONAL cases, that they were opposed to the establishment of any new class states. As Lenin said in a number of pieces the bouregois demcoratic right to self-determination like all other bugeois democratic demands could not stand higher than the struggle for socialism. The primary task was the building of internaitonal workers unity, not the fragmentation of that unity through the advocacy of bouregois nationalist demands.
But that is precisely what is wrong with the AWL's position. It stands entirely on that basis of a programme that is limited to bouregois liberalism, it raises the advocacy of bouregois demcoratic rights above the struggle for socialism - it does the same thing in Iraq, in Kosova, and in Tibet too. Its programme is not that of proletarian internationalism, but of radical bouregois liberalism. In so far as it relies on a demcoratic imperilaism to be the agnecy of these changes - even if it criticises that imperialism for failing to be as progressive as it hoped it would be - it is difficult to call the bourgeois liberalism of its programme even radical.
When the USSR invaded Poland, Trotsky said that the action was reactionary. It was reactionary because it gave strength to the idea that socialism could be brought about by the military bueaucratic actions of Stalinism, whilst in equal measure udnermining the idea that the working class had to be central to the establishment of socialism. But at the same time he argued that the consequences of the action were themselves progressive. They were so because they overturned property relations, abolished the old exploiting classes etc. So it was possible to defend what had been brought about even whilst describing the method of its accomplishment as reactionary. It is possible as Mikey says that a bouregois diplomatic solution could be found as he and the AWL hope. I think its unlikely, after all the AWL hooped that imperialism and bouregois demcoratic - and not so bouregois demcoratic - forces would prevail in Iraq, and establish some form of bouregois demcoracy there as the first stage in a series of stages that would lead to socialism - in short the Stalinist Stages theory. In China in the 1920's the Stalinists thought that the Kuomintang of Chiang Kai Shek would achieve that aim, and subordinated the socialist programme to his natioalist bouregois programme. In Iraq the AWL subordinate the socialist programme and the fight against imperilaism in the same way. They even began by colouring up imperilaism's allies in the ranks of the IrRaqi bouregoisie - people like Sistani - as being bourgeois Constitutionalist!!!! They were not at all like their cothinkers in Iran we were told, they were ttrying to establish something that might be rough around the edges but could be seen as some kind of bouregois democracy. Well, with the issuing of fatwas agaisnt women and gays where these clerical-fascists have gained control we see the idiocy of where that led.
But, even were such a solution to be found, how would socialists have to view such a process? We could view it in no other way than the way Trotsky evaluated the Soviet invasion of Poland. Even were it to achieve a result that was objectively progressive, we would have to oppose that method of achieving it, because it would be reactionary. It would emphasise the role of imperilaism as the world's policeman, and arbiter the only orce capable of bringing about change, and in the same measure would diminsh the role of the working class as the only progressive agent of change. It would be a huge blow to the working class. That is as true in Iraq as it is in Israel/Palestine.
But, the reality is that the ONLY basis on which such a solution could be accomplished as one imposed by the respective bouregoisies, and imperialism is one that rode over the backs of workers. The fact is that Israel WILL NOT, and almost certainly CANNOT remove the settlements in the West Bank, and the West Bank is the only partially viable component of any Palestinian state - even then its only viable in reality as nothing more than an adjunct of some other state, a possible tax haven or such like such as Monaco or Lichtenstein. The deal between Sharon and Bush for israel to pull out of Gaza, was effectively for Israel to have a freer hand to deal with Gaza by military means, and for Israel to consolidate its presence in the West Bank. Any attempt to remove those settlements even if the Israeli State wanted to would almost certainly lead to huge social unreat and protests, and a crackdown by the State. But assume that were to happen, assume by some miracle the Palestinians elected representatives acceptable to the US and Israel - which seems unlikely given the history - what then. The suicie bombers have not just been from HAMAS, even in Ireland we saw the other week a terrorist attack by a splinter group, and the conflict in Ireland takes place in far more favourable condiitons, a thriving economy, growing interconnection with the South, and the knowledge that in the not too distant future Catholics will be a majority, not to mention that in the North of Ireland Catholics DO HAVE A VOTE, they are sharing power with the majority! The only basis on which such a State could arise would be on the basis that guarantees were given that this State would clamp down on such attacks. In reality that could only be done by the most autoritarian measures, measures which would be used not just agaisnt terrorists, but would be used by what would after all be a - probably very reactionary - bouregois regime.
There is nothing progressive that can come out of the Two States solution even were it likely to happen.
Arthur Bough
Olmert defends Israeli apartheid
Olmert wants a two state solution as it is the best means of defending Israeli apartheid - his definition. Mikeymikey, claims that only he can read, and that everyone else who has read Olmert's statement, including Olmert himself, various university professors and professional journalists cannot.
Enough said. Written. And read.
No He Doesn't
Ohlmert doesn't want a Two States solution. He wants the Palestinians to continue to be stuck in the dead-end of seeking a Two State solution. The two things are different. Ohlmert knows that were a Two State solution to come about such a state could not control Palestinian militants. The increasing authoritarianism of such a state would fuel the same kind of militant Islamism that is spreading throughout the Arab nationalist regimes. The more it cracked down, the more resistance it would fuel. Faced with continued attacks those bouregois, pacifist individuals, in the Peace Movement, that the AWL places so much faith in, rather than in the Israeli and Palestinian working classes,as the vehicle for this process, whose motivation for Two States has little to do with class conscioussness, and everything to do with the bourgeois and petit-bourgeois desire for a quiet life, would soon turn on its head. Israel would again be forced to take action as it has against Lebanon and other sovereign states in the region. It is after all the main sub-imperilaist power in the region. Depending upon the severity of such an attack the likely outcome would likely be some kind of new Arab-Israeli War, with yet another repartioning of borders, probably with Israel becoming even bigger, on he basis of needing a bigger "buffer zone".
In fact I'm reminded in many ways of the analysis of the situation after WWI given by Trotsky. He described it as an "armed peace" that was driving inexorably to another war. The equivalent of the AWL and others that argue for a diplomatic solution arrived at by bouregois politicans and states, the reformists of the Second and Two and a Half Internationals, found the epitome of their approach in the formation of the League of Nations. It too looked on as Japanese imperialism invaded Manchuria. Trotsky poured scorn on those reformist politicans that bigged up the possibility of such a solution. Then as now the only progreesive solutoin lies in the hands of proletarian internationalism, in the building of workers unity across borders, the construction of Labour movemetn organisations across the communal and national divide. You don't do that by advocating bouregois nationalist demands, by telling workers of one nation they cannot trust the workers of another nation, or advocating the establishment of new class states.
Arthur Bough
post modernism?
I always thought that the post modernist assertion that words have no meanings only interpretations was cobblers. Then I encountered Mikeymikey and Arthur Bough.
Olmer doesn't want a two state solution - claims Arthur Bough. So when Olmert says;
"If the day comes when the two-state solution collapses, and we face a South African-style struggle for equal voting rights (also for the Palestinians in the territories), then, as soon as that happens, the State of Israel is finished," Prime Minister Ehud Olmert told Haaretz Wednesday"
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/929439.html"
Then he's actually arguing for the collapse of the two state solution in order that Israel may face a South African style struggle for equal voting rights so that Israel is finished.
Gotcha.
Mikeymikey claims that Olmert is making no comparison between Israel and apartheid - when Olmert directly insisted that he was and pointed out he had made the same comparison repeatedly - and on record in an interview five years before.
Words do have meanings. Although evidently not for Arthur Bough and Mikeymikey.
I have to Agree With Mikey
that I wonder about your reading skills. You say,
"Then he's actually arguing for the collapse of the two state solution in order that Israel may face a South African style struggle for equal voting rights so that Israel is finished."
But where did I say that Ohlmert was arguing for the collapse of the Two State solution, for God's sake????? I argued the opposite, I said,
"Ohlmert doesn't want a Two States solution. He wants the Palestinians to continue to be stuck in the dead-end of seeking a Two State solution. The two things are different."
Do you not comprehend that difference????
Ohlmert doesn't want a Two State solution for the reasons I gave,
"Ohlmert knows that were a Two State solution to come about such a state could not control Palestinian militants. The increasing authoritarianism of such a state would fuel the same kind of militant Islamism that is spreading throughout the Arab nationalist regimes. The more it cracked down, the more resistance it would fuel."
But, Ohlmert clearly doesn't want a collpase of hope in the Two States solution that would lead Palestinians into some other course of action either. As I said originally,
"I think that the first part of what Ohlmert says is true. If the idea of Two States disappeared as an immediate solution for Palestinians then there would be only two options open for Palestinians - either they decide that they have to fight for the destruction of Israel and the establishemnt of a single Palestinian state, or else they have to fight for democratic rights within the existing Israeli State.", as I went on to say,
"Of course Ohlmert in the same vein as Bush pronounces that he is in favour of Two States, but as much as Bush he knows it will not happen, and as long as the palestinians can be kept warring with each other both the US and Israel will have a straightforward answer. "Well we would, but not with Hamas, not until thre is some kind of democratic authority we can deal with."
But, of course the situation necessarily reproduces those condtions.", and
"Ohlmert will continue to talk a good fuck about Two States knowing full well that as long as the Palestinian bourgeoisie and its main political representatives hang on to some hope of getting their own state there is some chance of maintaining the Palestinian masses within that dead end. In the meantime Israel will continue to swallow up the West Bank, whilst Gaza festers. It also means those politicians can continue to strut the world stage. But neither Ohlmert nor any US president has any real intention of establishing a Palestinian State, and Hamas and continued suicide bombings will continue to give them the reasons why it never happens."
Now how any of that can be read as me saying that Ohlmert wants Two States to fail, I really don't know, but for those with reading difficulties let me spell it out more clearly.
Ohlmert doesn't want Two States to fail, he simply wants everyone to keep talking about it with there being no prospect of it ever happening.
Arthur Bough
Illiterates and Disagreements
I really cannot be bothered to respond any more to bill j. I have already established that he cannot read properly and I am pleased to note that on this point Arthur Bough agrees with me. My suggestion to him is that before attempting to comprehend what Olmert has said, he starts with something a littler simpler. As a suggestion, he may find a responsible adult to assist him with the following excellent book: Martha Weston, Jack and Jill and Big Dog Bill: A Phonics Reader (Random House, 2002)
This thread started off with the subject, "Israel at sixty: We still stand for two states" and Arthur extends the discussion. In one post he sees fit to mention Lenin, Trotsky, the Stalinist Stages theory, US imperialism, the Soviet invasion of Poland, the Kuomintang of Chiang Kai Shek, South Africa, Iraq, Kosova, Tibet, Monaco, Lichtenstein and the North of Ireland Catholics. Forgive me for saying this, but it is difficult for me to know where to begin.
In relation to Arthur's comments, I have previously noted that a substantial disagreement I have with the AWL is that I am not a Marxist. This can be extended to correctly say that I am also not a follower of Leninism. There is good reason for this. My first discussions with Marxist-Leninists were as a student and these discussions were often with supporters of Socialist Organiser, the forerunner of the AWL. At the National Union of Students conferences I regularly heard Trotskyist students chanting a song that repeated the line "Hang the Tories from the lampposts when the red revolution comes" numerous times. As I was not a Tory student and as I believed that they did not really mean it, I did not take the words in this song seriously. However, the more I read about what Lenin was truly like and what really did happen in the Russian Revolution, I have realised that I was mistaken in dismissing this song. Followers of Lenin really do not have a problem murdering people en masse.
Richard Pipes, in his book,The Russian Revolution (Vintage Books, 1991) shows in a substantial amount of detail how ruthless Lenin was and the terror that he inflicted upon his opponents. The Second Congress of Soviets passed a policy of abolishing the death penalty for front-line deserters. Lenin was not there but was livid that such a policy was passed. "How can you make a revolution without executions?" he asked and he subsequently told the Bolsheviks to ignore the decision of the congress. Lenin also did not care whether those that he threw in prison were or were not guilty. By December 1917, Trotsky could proclaim, "There is nothing immoral in the proletariat finishing off the dying class. This is right.... Our enemies will face not prison but the guillotine." By February 1918 Lenin was demanding "on the spot" executions without trial of what it would appear anyone he did not like including "enemy agents, speculators, burglars, hooligans [and] counterrevolutionary agitators."
Dzerzhinskii made sure that this terror was carried out in accordance with Lenin's instructions. He had no qualms in arranging for those he deemed "bourgeois" or "counterrevolutionaries" to suffer the fate of a firing squad. Lenin saw no need for law courts, such systems were part of a "bourgeois" system, far better was dictatorship of the proletariat and "rule unrestricted by any law." People's Courts and Revolutionary Tribunals were set up that were simply kangaroo courts run by judges who did not understand law and could simply sentence people to death. But even this was not enough terror for Lenin, so he relied upon the Cheka to install real terror and carry out summary executions. "Counterrevolutionaries" could be "mercilessly liquidated on the spot."
By August 1918, Lenin sent an instruction to "introduce at once mass terror, execute and deport hundreds of prostitutes, drunken soldiers, ex-officers, etc." The use of the word "etc" was a license to kill just about anyone, random killings to intimidate the population. By September 1918 it was made clear that there must be no "slackness" in carrying out such terror, "class enemies" could be thrown into concentration camps and others could immediately executed. Zinoviev went so far as to make the following chilling statement: "We must carry along with us 90 million out of the 100 million of Soviet Russia's inhabitants. As for the rest, we have nothing to say to them. They must be annihilated." One person in ten of the population being murdered may be acceptable for Arthur Bough, but it is not for me.
The Red Army could proclaim:
"Without mercy, without sparing, we will kill our enemies by the scores of hundreds, let them be thousands, let them drown themselves in their own blood. For the blood of Lenin ... let there be floods of blood of the bourgeoisie - more blood, as much as possible."
Who cared who they killed for as Krylenko put it, "We must execute not only the guilty. Execution of the innocent will impress the masses even more." It was not just arbitrary killing because in 1918-1919 the Cheka were also guilty of looting, extortion and, naturally, rape.
Indiscriminate and merciless terror. One wonders whether all this is taught at the AWL summer school?
A Question For Leninists
Lenin sent an instruction to "introduce at once mass terror, execute and deport hundreds of prostitutes, drunken soldiers, ex-officers, etc."
Is a dictator who orders the murder of prostitutes less despicable than a serial killer who murders them with his own hands?
Execute and Deport
What I can't understand is why you would "execute and deport" prostitutes, soldiers etc. Surely, given the conditions if you'd excuted them, you wouldn't then want the cost of deporting them as well would you?
Arthur Bough
nuts
nuts
Class Unity
Amid the various points I think a few things stand out clearly.
Arthur is right I think that the two state solution is unworkable as it will only realistically come about as an imposition from the ruling class. Any Palestinian 'state' would have its borders decided by Israel, 'borders' which would be/are rigorously policed to prevent free movement of Palestinians but to allow Israeli army incursions and would in effect become bantustans.
Bill I think makes a good point that the Israeli prime minister himself recognises the parallel with South Africa. Of course we don't always believe what a prime minister says for the sake of it but his candour here is no doubt aimed at critics who don't even want the pretence of a semi-independent Palestinian state-let and sometimes we have to use our class enemies' words against them!
Link here
Of courser I dare say I risk being abused as an idiot anti-imperialist or kitsch or something but I think it’s entirely fair to extend support to Palestinians engaged in self-defence, for class struggle within Israel/Palestine, for links where possible between the Israeli Jewish and Palestinian Arab populations and other ethnic groups such as the sizeable Ethiopian population (some of whom are Jewish) over basic class struggle demands, for democracy, for trade union rights, against the war. Of course there will be within these united fronts those who support two state solutions but as socialists I think we should be for united class struggle against the bourgeois, forging in that struggle class unity and solidarity. If Jewish or Arab workers wanted some kind of autonomy in a workers’ state then that is clearly a matter for them. But our immediate duty of solidarity is against the current inequality and national oppression imposed by the Israeli bourgeois as gendarmes for imperialism.
As immediate and practical solidarity I think we should be for demonstrations and direct action against the Israeli state’s aggressive military occupation and for the overthrow of the Israeli apartheid regime.
By the way as an aside, Richard Pipes, book,”The Russian Revolution” is a work of fiction, quite well written at times, though I found the style quite disfigured by a fanatical hatred. As history it is appalling. If you really want to know about the Russian revolution I’d suggest reading Revolution and Counterrevolution: Class Struggle in a Moscow Metal Factory by Kevin Murphy (reviewed by me in next issue of Permanent Revolution) or The Bolsheviks in Power: The First Year of Soviet Rule in Petrograd reviewed in this issue of Permanent Revolution online soon
Actually,
I didn't think there was anything "idiot" or "kitsche" about these comments. My only qualm would be about exactly what you mean by, "and for the overthrow of the Israeli apartheid regime.", because this could be just a cover for a call for the overthrow of the State of Israel itself. I think it is absolutely correct to concentrate on the Rights of Palestinians, and to oppose the military and police operations of the Israeli State. My point is that as long as that is framed within the context of the Two States solution it will necessarily mitigate against fighting for immediate demcoratic rights for Palestinians within the existing Israeli state, it will focus on that nationalistic demand for the establishemnt of a separate state as against the democratic demands around which Palestinian and Jewish workers could be organised now, in joint Labour Movement bodies as part of an overall socialist programme.
As for Mikey's comments what can I say? I'm not a Leninist. I think the "Leninist" - which I distinguish from Lenin's - conception of the revolutionary party, and of socialist construction is idealist and Hegelian, and thereby necessarily statist and top down, as most post Marx Marxists were. As Draper says, it reflected thefact that Lassaleanism more than Marxism influenced the development of the Workers Parties at the end of the 19th century beginning of the twentieth. In the distortion of Marxism carried forward y TRotskyism as the ideological heir to Leninism that statist Lassaleanism still dominates the left today as I have previously set out in relation to questions of nationalisation, the rejection of Marx and Engels view of socialist transformation through co-operatives etc by the Left, and the concept that flows from that of the need for an elitist revolutioanry party.
But, as I've said before given the historical circumstances would I have been on the side of lenin and Trotsky? I would like to think yes. The reason? Had it not been for Lenin and TRotsky we might not have had Stalinism its true, but we might well have had a terrible blood bath in Russia as it was carved up by imperialist powers. We may well have seen all the horrors Mikey describes, but carried out Black Hundred and other fascist gangs. We might have seen Hitler's germany overrun Russia and have at its disposal the vast resources of Russia to fuel its military machine. UNder those condiitons Hitler's Third Reich might not have lasted a thousand years, but it might well have lasted considerably longer than it did, with all the attendant horrors that would have entailed throughout the world.
Arthur Bough
A work of fiction?
Jason makes a very strong accusation against the source that I used for information and quotes that I provided in my previous post to this thread. He claims that my source is "a work of fiction." Richard Pipes has taken the trouble to provide endnotes detailing the sources for the claims and quotes that I provide above. I should be interested to know exactly which ones Jason considers to be fiction and why. Checking one further source: Ronald W Clark, Lenin: The Man Behind the Mask(London: Faber and Faber, 1989) we can see on page 377:
"There can be no doubt about his [Lenin's] knowledge and encouragement of the killings which took place by the thousand from the summer of 1918 onwards .... it is beyond doubt that by the first years of the twentieth century, Lenin had come to regard murder as a usable weapon in the revolutionary's armoury."
On page 379 Clark continues:
"After failing to dissuade Lenin from carrying out one particular measure... [Steinberg, Commissar of Justice] exclaimed in exasperation: 'Then why do we bother with a Commissariat of Justice? Let's call it frankly the Commissariat for Social Extermination, and be done with it,' At this, Steinberg had written, 'Lenin's face suddenly brightened and he replied: "Well put ... that's exactly what it should be ... but we can't say that."'"
Unless Jason can provide evidence to the contrary, it seems that Lenin was indeed a mass murderer.
Arthur Bough does not dismiss my source but says that he would have liked to have been on the side of Lenin and Trotsky. Maybe Arthur has fantasies about murdering people wholesale himself. His only defence that he puts forward is a counterfactual: He admits that Stalin would not have got into power if it were not for Lenin and I assume he accepts that Stalin went on to murder by the million, but his counterfactual is that it may have been worse without Lenin. With such counterfactuals one can claim anything. I would guess that some may claim that Hitler was a good thing as it may have been worse with someone else.
Counterfactual
I didn't challenge your source because I haven't read it. Nor do I doubt that a lot of people died in the Civil War that followed the revolution, but that's what happens in Wars. We might not like it, but that is not counter factual its factual. What is also factual is that in the revolution itself there was very little violence. The violence began when the old ruling classes realised that the Bolshevik regime was not going to collapse, and so began to try to undermine it. What is factual is that Winston Churchill who was not shy at killing a few people in order to look after the interests of his class bragged about personally raising 14 armies to try to overtrun the Bolsheviks. You don't raise 14 armies if your intention is just to go and have a peaceful chat!!!!
In every area where the Whites and their imperialist backers regained control there was horrendous violence against the people and reintroduction of all the horrors of Tsarism and landlordism. So let's not get carried away with this bourgeois moralism and sentimentalism. History is not made in people's studies, by people having cosy chats.
And what you say is counterfactual has a sound basis. Frightened by the demands of the workers and peasants for basic rights and conditions - which if they had had any sense the Conciliators would have granted - Kerensky did a deal with Kornilov to launch a military coup. Kornilov took Kerensky at his word, and decided he didn't need Kerensky and could take pwoer for himself. It was only the Bolsheviks that prevented that. Japan had already attacked Russia as part of its imperilaist ambitions in 1905. IN 1932 Japan invaded Manchuria again with its eye on the USSR, and its resources. Britain attempted to secure the Baku oilfields for itself, Germany grabbed Russian territory at Brest-Litovsk, and would absent the revolution have probably grabbed much more, Poland took a slice for itself.
It is not a leap of faith to consider what would have happened had the revolution not occurred the outlines of what would have happened are fairly clear. It would have meant a dismemberment of the country, huge conflicts over the rights of the national minorities, the installation at least of a military government, and probably of some proto-fascist, Black Hundredis reactionary regime, and huge amounts of bloodshed.
No I do not have fantasies about mass murder, but I do have nightmares about workers not being prepared for the violent actions of the bouregoisie.
Arthur Bough
Pipes dreams
of a resurgent world wide capitalism. He saw the Russian revolution as a conspiracy. Archive material now avaible as well as any unbiased readung of what was available at the time leads me to think that revolutions are not conspitacies of a few fanatics. The version of Pipes I read had no footnotes as it happens- a most surprising omission. But I think it was a popularisation. The Murphy and Rabinowith books are scrupulously sourced. Are there legitimate questions about response to civil war? Of course. But to present the Russian revolution as a conspiracy of evil fanatic and the masses as inanimate playthings is fiction indeed.
On Israel I am for the overthrow of the apartheid state, of the state that discrimnates against Arabs and of its ruling class. Not the 'destruction of Israel.'
Evading the Question.
In my earlier post I provided a number facts and quotes provided by Richard Pipes about the Russian Revolution. Jason dismissed my source as a "a work of fiction." I thought it reasonable to ask exactly which of the facts that I used Jason thought were "fiction." Jason does not respond to the question but simply says that Pipes "saw the Russian revolution as a conspiracy," a view he disagrees with. This is not good enough. If Jason wishes to dispute any fact that I made in my earlier post quoting Pipes he should make a point relevant to that fact or quote I used. As he has not done so, I assume he accepts that Lenin was a mass murderer.
I find it particularly odd that Jason is suggesting that if I want to know about the Russian Revolution that I should read a book by Kevin Murphy that concentrates on what happened in a single factory: "the Hammer and Sickle Factory." I also find it strange that he claims the book is "scrupulously sourced" but fails to point out, as Charters Wynn did,that "the index is woefully inadequate. For example, the trade union leader and politburo member Mikhail Tomskii appears in the text about a dozen times but fails to appear in the index." [Slavic Review, Vol. 65, No. 4, (Winter, 2006)] I look forward to Jason also commenting on this omission in his own review.
"bourgeois moralism and sentimentalism."
I must apologise to Arthur for having "bourgeois" morals that tell me there is something wrong about targeted killing of "prostitutes,drunken soldiers, ex-officers, etc." Arthur also informs me that he has "nightmares about workers not being prepared for the violent actions of the bouregoisie [sic]."
Let us be clear about it, when discussing How to Organise Competition? in 1917, Lenin said a "commandment of socialism" is that "He who does not work, neither shall he eat." One wonders why, given this is the case, that socialists complain about the rate of unemployment benefit. Under their system they will not get any. But it is even worse that this for as Lenin went on to say: "one out of every ten idlers will be shot on the spot." This is a clear example of the indiscriminate murder and terror that Lenin was quite happy to install on the Russian population.
Lenin had no interest in democracy for as he said "Yes, it is a dictatorship of one party! This is what we stand for and we shall not shift from that position."
Lenin wanted "ruthless extermination" of the enemies of the proletariat. As he said elsewhere, Lenin wanted a "War to the death against the rich and their hangers-on, the bourgeois intellectuals; war on the rogues, the idlers and the rowdies!"
I do hope my "bourgeois moralism and sentimentalism" is not too much for Arthur, but exterminating someone just because they are an intellectual or a little rowdy does seem taking things a bit far. Is this why Leninists complain about ASBO's, they want the rowdies simply shot instead?
I Notice
that Mikey makes no comment about how he feels about the violence used by the Tsar, and his State, prior to the revolution, or by the capitalists that utilised that State, as part of their class rule. I see he makes no comment about the massmurder committed by those 14 armies raised by Churchill, who, also, sent tanks and troops to machine gun striking miners, in Tonypandy, in South Wales, during the 1926 General Strike, or the rape, pillage and plunder, undertaken by the White and Green armies, in Russia. So yes, when I complain about his bouregois moralism, I am conscious that he looks on with rather a biased view.
Perhaps, he could tell us what he thinks about the cold blooded murder of tens of thousands of Parisians, after the fall of the Paris Commune, by the French bouregoisie, or the millions, killed by the Nazis, in defence of German capitalism, not to mention the millions of workers sent to their deaths, by the capitalists, in two world wars. Perhaps, he could wax lyrical about the millions of slaves killed, many just in transit, shipped from Africa to America and the Carribean by British capitalists. What then does his morals have to say about the genocide carried out by capitalists in America against the Native Indians, the declaration, by General Sherman, sent in by the US State, on behalf of the Union Pacific railroad, to clear Indians off the land needed for the railway, that it was necessary to exterminate them, or the similar treatment of aboriginals, in Australia and elsewhere. Or closer to home, perhaps, he could tell us what he thinks about the millions of peasants and clanspeople, whose land was stolen from them, in order to turn them into wage workers for the capitalist class, including burning women and children inside their homes. Perhaps, his moral indignation extends to the fact that, in the space of just one generation, the British capitalist class wiped out three geenrations of workers, in the textile factories, due to the inhuman ocnditions, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, that they, literally, established slave trading, from workhouses in the South and East Anglia, sending canal boat loads, of human cargo, bought, by northern capitalists, from these workhouses, to replensih the workers that had been killed off.
In more recent times, he might wish to write us a sonnet about the mangificient morality of the Chilean capitalists, and their supporters, in that bastion of bouregois morality, the United States, that overthrew the democratic government of Allende, and then murdered thousands of ordinary workers.
Look, I am not a Leninist, I disagree with the Leninist view of the party and of social transformation. I beleive it leads inexorably to the consequences manifest in Russia and elsewhere. I would choose a different course, as I have outlined, at length, elsewhere, but, to be honest, when I hear bouregois ideologists come out with this kind of crap, it makes me sick, given the history of violence, degradation, and misery that capitalism has inflicted on the world over the last few hundred years. It is the most crass hypocrisy.
As for the other ridiculous points; there is a difference between the idea that if you want to eat you have to work in a society where there is a right to employment, and the situation under capitalism where no such right exists, and where those that do not work, but leach off the backs of the rest of society, have more than enough to eat, whilst those that work the longest and hardest are the ones who most frequently live in poverty. Personally, I think the issue of Unemployment Benefit is a two edged sword. On the one hand it gives a minimum of security, and, thereby, reduces the misery of workers in that situation, thereby reducing social tension - which is why the capitalists introduced it - on the other hand it provides less of an incentive for workers to stick together and oppose redundancies, to fight for a sharing of work, for taking over factories as co-operatives etc. But, of course in a socialist society the issue of unemployment benefit would not arise, precisely ebcause under socialism there is no need for unemployment.
AS for the Dictatorship of the party as I said I am not a Leninist. I would, however, point out that this argument only developed later that initially the Boslheviks shared power with the left SR's.
As for the ruthless extermination of class enemies, you would have to also then explain why Lenin looked to get those foreign capitalists to set up business in Russia, why capitalists were brought back to manage businesses by Lenin, why Lenin advocated the New Economic Policy and so on. But, of course if your class enemies are trying to exterminate you, then the appropriate resposne would appear to be to fight fire with fire. Like most bourgeois moralists, Mikey, of course, wants to turn a blind eye to the mass violence of the ruling class and ask workers, yet again, to turn the other cheek.
Arthur Bough
Totalitarian Logic
It seems that you both deny the Bolshevik policy of mass annihilation and excuse that policy by holding "the capitalists" collectively guilty of the slave trade, both world wars, Nazism, and every other bloodbath in history. You also maintain that the Bolsheviks were reacting to their "class enemies" who were planning to exterminate the Russian workers.
This type of logic has instructive parallels.
For example, the Nazis used precisely the same argument, albeit with a different scapegoat: "That race of criminals [Jews] has on its conscience the two million dead of the First World War, and now already hundreds and thousands more." They demonised their enemies in the same way, but with a different ideology: "the total number of victims of this Jewish struggle for hegemony in Russia amounted to 28-30 million people in number of dead. This is fifteen times more than the World War cost Germany."
Just as the Bolsheviks invoked capitalist plans to exterminate the Russian workers, so the Nazis invoked Jewish plans to exterminate the German people: "The pitiless and merciless war that has been forced upon us by eternal Jewry will lay the entire Continent in ruins" and bring "bestial massacres of masses of human beings comparable to those that followed the invasions of the Huns and Mongols out of inner Asia."
Just as Lenin's defenders point to his initial coalition with the Left SRs, who were quickly eliminated, so Hitler's defenders can point to his initial coalition with the German reactionaries, who were rapidly purged. And just as Lenin's apologists offer the New Economic Policy as evidence of his moderation, so Hitler's apologists offer the Non-Aggression Pact with Poland as evidence of his peaceful intent.
I accept your assurance that you're not a disciple of Lenin. So why make excuses that would also serve the disciples of Hitler?
Because I'm A Realist, A Revolutionary and Not a Pacifist
I think your parallel between Hitler and the Nazis and Lenin and the Bolsheviks is stretching things in the extreme, in fact to the extreme of being an outright distortion.
Let me say how and why I disagree with "Leninism", and with Lenin first. I make a distinction between the two. If we take Lenin's most quoted work on the revolutionary party - "What is to be Done?", we find that what Leninists take from that work is incredibly selective and distorted. Lenin himself argued that this work could only be understood in the context of when and for what purpose it was written. It was written he said at a time when political activity was illegal, and when what were to become the Bolsheviks were engaged in a serious ideological battle with the Economists. He went on to say that it was now a historical document. In other words time had moved on. In that work he sets out as his model of the revolutionary party the German Social Democratic Party. When he talks about a professional revolutionary party, he means specifically the way in which the SPD was professional - that it had full-time politicians in Parliament who could debate with as much knowledge as their bourgeois opponents. He did not at all mean the idea of some small, select Party all of whose members did nothing but politics. When he talks about a secretive organisation he makes clear that he is talking about the need for such an organisation in the specific conditions of illegality that had to be endured in Tsarist Russia. Even then he talks of such a secret organisation only being made up of a small proportion of suitably skilled activists out of the total Party membership, whose function would be to ensure that the part paper could be produced and circulated on a rregular basis etc., the rest of the party continuing to act openly.
This is completely different to the way in which Leninists portray Lenin's position which emphasises precisely those things which Lenin outlined as being exceptional. For Leninists today there are all he trappings of Party names and other ridiculous rituals that are adopted to give the impression to young impressionable minds that they are engaged in some exciting romantic adventure, that they are going through the same process that the Bolsheviks adopted 100 years ago, and so on. They are expected to be "professional" revolutionaries in the sense of devoting themselves entirely to the Party and to politics. To that extent Lenin's view of the Party in terms of organisation is closer to that of Tony Blair than it is to most of the Leninist organisations. But, there is another aspect of Lenin's view of the Party that I do disagree with.
Lenin's view of the Party was coloured by his experience of struggle against the Economists, and of the struggle against the revisionist views of Bernstein. Moreover, as Hal Draper says in his, "Two Souls of Socialism" the Labour movement that developed at the end of the 19th century was in fact heavily influenced by Lassalleanism and Fabianism, even though it called itself Marxist. That elitist, and statist view of Marxism permeated the whole of the movement, including Lenin. Forged from that struggle, on the back of Parties, which now almost exclusively called themselves Marxist, arose the idea that the Workers Party had to be itself a Marxist Party, and not just a Marxist Party, but given he expererience of reformism and Economism had to be a "pure" Marxist Party. The roots of this idea are clear.
Reformism basically said socialism is inevitable, all we have to do is to smooth the rough edges of capitalism and wait for its growing over into socialism. Lenin, and indeed Kautsky responded by saying that there was nothing automatic in the process. Engels had made clear that he and Marx might have encouraged that view, an economic determinist view, because in polemicising against Duhring and others that effectively denied materialism they had to emphasise that side of things at the expense of elaborating more clearly the role of ideas, and conscious action. Engels makes clear that actions are a complex interplay of millions of individual wills that are aggregated, it is not a simple matter of the simple class dichotomy outlined in the Communist Manifesto. Marx is often criticised for not having actually outlined a clear description and theory of class. When he started of it in 1865 he abandoned it in order to turn to the rest of his theory, the only part of it being left is the fragment in Capital. But, as Engels points out Marx's theory of class is far more complex and in practice he elaborated it in his writings on the Civil War in France, in the 18th Brumaire. What the reformists had done was to remove the revolutionary aspect of Marx's theory, the aspect which says that "Man makes his own history." Moreover, Lenin takes the other aspect of Marx's theory the aspect which states that "The ruling ideas of the age are the ideas of the ruling class", and from this concludes that the working class can never in its entirety become fully class conscious unless it necomes the ruling class, and it can only become the ruling class by assuming state power. This appears a conundrum that can only be resolved by the concept of the Vanguard Party which is able to break free from the constraints placed on the class as a whole, and at specific points of crisis can lead the class to victory, seize state power, and thereby transform society.
We can see how the various components come together here. 1) The top own statist conepts that had formed what came to be considered Marxism by the end of the 19th century 2) The recoiling against the gradualist approach of reformism the idea that Revolution could only be viewed as a sudden political upheaval 3) the view common to all Marxists - and probably to most socialists in general - that Capitalism was on its last legs, that socialism was imminent 4) the idea that the Workers party WAS a Marxist Party 5) that only a select number could achieve this level of class conscioussness 6) that consequently the Workers Party had to ensure its purity, because it would always be subject to the bouregois ideas that dominated society, including the Labour Movement and working class as a whole. This also colours Lenin's view of how socialism comes about. It is a top down process by which the revoluitonary Party leads the working class to victory, and that Party then rules on behalf of the class utilising state pwoer to transform property and social relations in such a way that the workingc lass becomes the ruling class.
It is this view that I strongly disagree with, and which I beleive is an inversion of Marx. It is from this that I beleive its inevitable that the Party comes to substitute for the class, and then to find itself in contradiction with the class. It is that which leads to the inevitable conflicts between the Working class, and the State which is supposed to be theirs, but which increasingly has to be under the political control of the Party, and those social strata on which the State comes to rely for the day to day functioning of society. That process occurred quickly in Russia given its backwardess, but I beleive that it is inevitable in any revolution of that nature.
That is why I go back to Marx, to his criticism of Lassalle, and this kind of top down statist approach in the Critique of the Gotha Programme. It is why I go back to Marx's historical method and theory - historical materialism - which tells us that ideas develop on top of the material economic and social foundations. If as Marx and Engels argued socialism is only capable of being created by the working class itself then no vanguard party can substitute itself for that class. A Workers Party can lead, educate, organise the class but that is all. A section of that party might be needed as a strike force in a revolutionary situation, just as a Trade Union creates a Strike Committee from specific elements for a specific function at a specific time, but that is all. Only then by doing what Marx and Engels said was needed for this process to be successful - the winning of the battle of demcoracy, the winning to the idea of socialism of the vast majority of the working class - is socialism possible, and that on the basis of Marx's theory is only possible when the economic and social foundation create the basis for the working class to develop the kind of conscioussness required for socialism. That requires more than just the kind of Trade UNion conscioussness that arises naturally, it requires a conscioussness that there is a viable alternative way of organising society, one they can see for themselves works, and which demonstrates in practice to them that they can run their own lives without the need for capitalists. That is why I turn to the only examples we have of Marx's explanation of how this transformation of cosncioussness comes about - the transformation of economic and social relations by workers establishing their own co-operative enterprises, and developoing them on a national and international basis, not as isolated utopian islands of socialism, but as linked up and co-ordinated bastions of workers strength.
That kind of view is rejected by Leninists as utopian and reformist. It is neither. Marx only criticised the Owenites because they viewed the establishemnt of individual Co-operatives as an alternative to class struggle. Marx put them at the centre of class struggle. Nor is it reformist, because reformism is based on the idea that socialism can be achieved by simply getting the capitalist State to reform itself away. In fact, it is the Leninists who more frequently adopt this strategy calling on the bourgeois state to act as I have pointed out in relation to the AWL's politics - calling on the State to nationalise this or that, for the bouregois state to provide this or that, calling on the bouregois state to protect workers in Iraq, to curgically bomb Iran and so on - whereas the Marxist approach is to demand nothing of the bouregois State, to place no credibility in it whatsoever, and to at all times promote the idea that if the working class wants something it should do it for itself.
But, there is another aspect of Marxism. It is that although "Man creates his own history", he does so "under conditions not of his own choosing." Marx thought socialism would arise first in either Britain or France because they were the most advanced economies,a nd so the process outlined above could proceed most easily and quickly. But, without real men organising to develop co-operatives, without a Workers party advocating such a development and advancing the conscioussness of workers by their example, without such a Party using such bastions of power to link up with other workers struggles such a development does not happen. It is not at all inevitable or automatic. Instead workers DO simply struggle for higher wages rather than aboiliiton of the wage system, DO look to reforms within the system. When the Paris workers threatened revolt Marx cautioned against it arguing that they were not ready, the condiitons were not ripe. But they rebelled anyway, and when they did Marx gave his full support to their struggle. IN doing so he did nothing more than he had previously advised in his letter to Ruge when he wrote that it was necessary to support workers when they strike for higher wages even though such struggles were a dead end, because he said unless workers were able to engage in such struggles they would be unable to gain the confidence to struggle for those things that were actually needed, and unless the Marxists supported those workers in such struggles they would never gain their confidence to fight for an adequate Programme.
I take the same position. I am not a Leninist for the reasons outlined above. I seek to convince others to adopt the approach set out by Marx for the transformation of the economic and social conditions, and on that basis to develop the working class conscioussness that arises from a co-operative economy and social structure. I beleive that on the basis the condiitons are created from the bottom up whereby the working class itself controls the means of production and the State, and so the problems encountered in the USSR are obviated from the beginning. In addiitoin the working class begins from a much greater posiiton of strength than did the workingc lass in Russia, or would from any Leninist political revolution. The ground for counter-revolution is weakened beneath the feet of the bouregoisie, and so the need for violence to couteract the counter-revolution is reduced. But, I reognise that all experiecne shows us that long before the working class could simply peacefully transform society by establishing co-operatives or buying up capitalist enterprises, the bouregoisie would use every means at its disposal to prevent that, just as the landlords used every method available to them to frustrate the bouregoisie. Some kind of revolution would be required, even if only the kind of action to put down a slaveholders revolt described by Marx.
Under those conditions the kinds of actions you object to carried out by the Bolsheviks would not only be less needed, but they would be less likely, because from the beginning this would be a revoluiton undertaken by and directly under the immediate control of the vast majority of society.
But, as I said history does not proceed according to such a script, and Marxists beleive that the truth is always concrete. It is necessary to respond to the world and events as they are not how we would like them to be. For the reasons I have outlined previously the kind of scenario you portray was very unlikely in Russia. The February revolution itself was nothing to do with the Bolsheviks. Having occurred the revolution assumed a dynamic of its own. Had the Conciliators perhaps been more savvy they would have accommodated the workers and peasants immediate demands, but they didn't partly because of the pressure they were udner from foreign powers, partly the pressure oft heir own bouregoisie. With or without the Bolsheviks the workers and peasants would have continued to press forward with the almost certain consequence that the bouregoisie would look to Kornilov or some other reactionary to put an end to it. Its no use you saying well they might not. The fact is they already were, and every other capitalist class had done something similar - just look at the horrors of how the bouregoisie used its dragoons etc. to cut down Chartists. Short of simply folding their arms and inviting that reaction there was little the Bolsheviks could do other than to push forward and seize control of the State before those other forces did.
As for all the Lenin as mass murderer stuff I can't say that I have read everything or checked the accounts you refer to, to confirm or deny what you say. Its certainly true that Lenin thought from the beginning that the same kind of Terror used by the bouregoisie in the French revolution would be required to minimise the violence that the counter-revolution would inevitably unleash against them. The bouregoisie had had no compunction about imprisoning Lenin and the Bolsheviks, they didn't cocnern themselves too much with moral niceties about collective punishments in pushing their class interests, and having seen what happened to the Paris Commune I don't think their cocnerns were at all unfounded. As Lenin said they expected to be murdered at any time just as happened to Luxemburg and Liebkecht. Were there excesses? Certainly, just as there have been in every Revolution including those of the bouregoisie, and in every war, particularly those udnertaken by the bouregoisie - we can mention those fought in Vietnam for isntacne, or the pretty excessive annihilation of tens of thousands of innocent civilians by the exploding of two Atomic bombs, a fairly severe "collective punishment" wouldn't you say. We know that Lenin argued for the liberation of the national minorities, and set himself against those inside the Communist Party that carried out atrocities against them.
We know that Lenin wanted to attract foreign Capitalists like Armand Hammer to Russia to set up private businesses as the Chinese and Cubans are doing in their economies now, not because he wanted to entice them their to murder them, but because he knew that Russia needed the capital and the know how. I have no doubt that during the Civil War there were some capitalists that suffered simply because they were Capitalists. That is unfortunate, but in War and revolution unfortunate things happen. It was unfortunate for all those residents of Hamburg and Dresden that Britain carpet bombed them. Some of those things necessarily flowed from the nature of Leninism, from the fact that workers themselves were not advanced enough, weren't class conscious enough to simply take over the factories and run them themselves, and that that meant that capitalists were able to sabotage production in the hope of undermining the regime. Such is the