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Good and bad of the IWCA

IWCA

The last issue's interview (Solidarity, 3/52) with London Mayor candidate Lorna Reid showed up both strengths and weaknesses in her group, the Independent Working Class Association (IWCA).

The left in general tends to dismiss the IWCA, writing them off as reactionary. But I think it has several good points.

  • It does patient work in communities. Some IWCA groups have been at the heart of important campaigns, and are usually better at involving people and pursuing an effective strategy than the left's standard parachute-in-and-tell-them-how-to-do-it method.

  • While the left has failed to build a real base amongst the working class, the IWCA has managed to (albeit in small, compact areas).
  • Winning big votes in Council elections, the IWCA has proved that mentioning the working class does not lose you votes, as the SWP and others seem to think. It has some grasp of the idea that the crucial issue in politics in working-class representation.
  • The IWCA has tackled the issue of 'anti-social behaviour', rather than ignoring it. While it is not always right on this issue, it has some good ideas, and its critics who say it has simply given in to reaction are wrong.
  • The IWCA has also questioned left orthodoxy on anti-fascism and 'multi-culturalism'. Again, it is not always right, but it is on several key points. It recognises that you have to fight on issues which unite the working class rather than just wave a placard saying how anti-racist you are; and while others on the left have dumped secularism, the IWCA remains committed to it.

However, the IWCA has weaknesses.

Its definition of 'working class' is too narrow, apparently meaning only residents of council estates. Millions of working-class people do not live on council estates - not least because it is so hard to get a council home! The IWCA aspires not to represent the whole working class but one section of it.

All its fire is aimed at the 'middle class', not the ruling class. I am not one to deny that middle-class people exist, or that there are issues over middle-class issues and outlooks taking priority over the working class in politics. But the IWCA is prone to describing class in superficial cultural terms - for example, bemoaning the replacement of chippies with delis - and so failing to recognise the diversity amongst working-class people, or to accurately describe what class means.

Its exclusive focus on the 'middle class' takes the heat off the ruling class, and misrepresents how capitalist society is structured. The two important classes are the capitalist class which rules, and the working class which it exploits.

Lorna explains why the IWCA writes off trade unions. She says the unions "have a role in defending terms and conditions". In limiting the scope of trade unionism to this, she is agreeing with the union bureaucrats, and even Blair! I wonder why Lorna does not apply the same argument to community politics - "community organisations have a role in defending housing and services", implying that this is the limit of their usefulness.

Lorna argues that "big industry has been all but demolished and replaced with small production". Even to the extent that this is true, it does not mean that we should not bother with unions. Better to go out and unionise those small firms as No Sweat does.

But the IWCA also ignores the unions in the 'traditional' sectors: for example, it did little visible work in support of the FBU strike last year.

Lorna is wrong to dismiss the anti-war movement as middle-class and to ignore the contribution of trade unionists and other working-class people. (It was also odd that she stated that the demonstration was all middle-class in the same paragraph as admitting that she went on it herself.)

It is true that the anti-war movement should have oriented more to the working-class movement. Two million people on a demo looked impressive, but it did not stop the war - concerted working-class action might have done.

The problem with the politics of the anti-war movement was its softness on the ruling class, i.e., Saddam Hussein's regime.

Now, our urgent task is to build solidarity with the Iraqi working class. The SWP are not doing this, preferring to just demand an end to the occupation and leave Iraq to its fate. But as far as I know, the IWCA is not doing this solidarity work either, perhaps because its view of 'working-class issues' rarely crosses ward boundaries, let alone national ones.

There is one point about Respect that I was surprised that Lorna did not mention. Respect has chosen to contest only the Euro and GLA elections, not the Council elections. Much more so than in Euro elections, it is in Council elections where you can address issues for working-class communities and Council workers, give a voice at the ballot box for working-class struggles, and build a base amongst the working class. This tells you a lot about Respect's middle-class stunt politics.

Lorna and the IWCA argue for more resources for the areas where asylum-seekers are housed. That's OK, as far as it goes. Extra resources would make for better quality of life, and would undermine the basis of hostility - the poison that "they are taking our homes, benefits, etc." An effective campaign to defend asylum-seekers does need to demand resources for all, rather than simply fly-post about how anti-racist we are.

But there is a huge witch-hunt against asylum-seekers and refugees. The press writes about them in terms which would normally be reserved for rats. Blunkett and Howard fall over themselves in a sickening race to persecute them ever more. Hostility towards immigrants has led to violence and murder.

In the eye of this racist storm, you have to take a crystal clear stand in defence of asylum-seekers and immigrants. The IWCA does not.

Working-class political representation is not just about amplifying the views you hear on the doorstep. Sometimes those views are wrong, divisive and anti-working-class. To really serve working-class interests, you have to say so.

Finally, Lorna and the IWCA have renounced the label of 'socialist'. Their reason is partly because they have turned their back on 'ideology', and partly a desire to distance themselves from Stalinists, social democrats and sectarians.

As on other issues, the IWCA has identified the faults of the left, but not necessarily chosen the right solution.

Janine Booth, London


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Re: Debate and discussion: Good and bad points of the IWCA

I read this article with interest, and I think Janine is basically right. However, I would make a couple of points.

The IWCA's success in Oxford has been both unexpected and spectacular. I wonder if the reason they are less electorally successful(although more visible in the community, and probably a lot more popular) in London is that in London their political approach is more honest and consistent.

Here in Oxford the IWCA have capitalised on the government's refusal to give money to refurbish council housing, which has obviously caused a lot of discontent. However, they do not mention the responsibility of the Blair government in any of their literature: just "vote IWCA and it'll be OK". Instead, they blame the Labour council, which has policy never to privatise any council housing stock. But the housing department is underfunded because of Tory capping laws kept in place by Blair. Real working-class problems, no working-class solutions; real frustrations, no big picture. This seems to fit in with Janine's analysis.
The second thing is just hearsay, but pretty convincing hearsay. A single woman with several kids in Blackbird Leys said she was told that if she voted IWCA they would somehow "get" her a council house. Obviously she hasn't got one as there aren't any and she is now apparently rather upset.
This is the reductio ad absurdum of reformism. Obviously consistent work on council estates is harder for socialists, as we can't actually try to pull the wool over the eyes of the working class by pretending to have magic powers. There is something more fundamental here than lack of a big picture: that is to say, where is the appeal to collective action? "Your councillor will do it for you" would be no better than Labour even if it were true. Seeing as it is not true it is considerably worse.
Mike Rowley, Oxford


Re: "Your councillor will do it for you"

Interesting comments, Mike, though obviously I don't know the facts about Oxford.
But I'm not convinced by your last two sentences. Here in Hackney - and I am sure in lots of other areas, though not all - Labour councillors show no interest in doing anything for anyone. It is quite shocking how blatant they are about it. They ignore representations from community organisations, and act as if nothing is their responsibility even though Labour runs the council.
So maybe "your councillor will do it for you" *is* better than Labour, although "Your councillor will be the socialist representative of a working-class movement that fights for its own interests" would be better still (although not very snappy).


Councillors as Shop Stewards

A Councillor (for that matter any elected representative) should be no different than a good shop steward. A smart shop steward knows that no matter how many TUC courses they go on, how clever a negotiator they think they are, at the end of the day their power comes from the people that elected them. A good shop steward realising that does two things - firstly, they represent the interests of their members to the best of their ability, whilst explaining the above reality, secondly, they try to educate their members and get them to realise their own collective strength.

A Councillor should act in exactly the same way. The shop steward or the Councillor is of course not just a passive reflector of opinion - for example neither would represent views of those that elect them which are racist or reactionary, how they deal with htis will vary from either simply refusing to carry out any such mandate and explaining why, or if all else fails resigning their position. There is atendency even with shop stewards for management to try to incorporate them into management - to deal with problems "harmoniously", and similarly for Councillors to be encouraged to see their role as Local Government managers. Tied to this is the fact that Councillors are encouraged to look after and promote the interests of their "patch".

This latter is not necessarily overcome by concentrating on "collective" or "direct" action. IT is equally or more likely that residents of a particular area will want to promote their concerns even where this is at the expense of the concerns of residents elsewhere. But placing the emphasis on "collective" action does provide the basis for arguing that the interests of both have a better chance of being fulfilled if they co-operate rather than compete for resources, and it undermines the idea that things can be "fixed" by a particularly influential councillor.

I don't accept that such a strategy is reformist rather than revolutionary, because I think the dichotomy between reform and revolution has been distorted. Rather than achieving changes which immediately benefit the working class being "reformist", I would argue that organising the working class to fight for and win such improvements is the basic requirement for building not only class consciousness, but of strengtheneing the economic and social position of the working class in order that they are better placed to wage class struggle. And that is the fundamental requirement for a successful social revolution.

Arthur Bough