Socialism, Republicanism and Clericalism in 1940s Ireland

Submitted by dalcassian on 30 August, 2015 - 8:22 Author: No name: possibly Mat Merrigan

Ed's note, 1947:
From an Irish comrade, living in Dublin,
we have received the following account of
the problems facing the revolutionists of
that country. We print below extracts from
his interesting letter.

Outside of international considerations
and the objective immaturity of the histori-
cal process, tremendous difficulties are en-
countered in building the Irish section. The
entrenchment of the radical bourgeoisie as
the counter-revolutionary ruling class, con-
fuses and disorients the broadest masses,
who devoted a lifetime of straggle, depriva-
tion and sacrifice to the ending of imperial-
ist hegemony. Further, the integration of
the embryonic organizations of the workers
into the national liberation movement—
without, however, preserving their auton-
omy and ideological independence—has led
to the stultification of the movement. Out of
this has grown a national capitulationist
and completely bourgeoisified trade union
and labor party bureaucracy, who seek to
substitute the ghost of the national struggle
of three decades ago for the reality of the
present class struggle. This, pursued to its
logical conclusions, leads—and has led—to
the betrayal of the class struggle by a trade
union and labor leadership born of a na-
tional revolutionary struggle, and who en-
deavor to solve the concrete tasks of today
by resurrecting the corpse of yesterdays
"republican" abstractions. It was precisely
this stupid [but very convenient, maneuver,
utilized to split the ITUC by the national
bourgeois capitulationists] policy that has
led to the present duality in the labor move-
ment—both industrially and politically.
Rather than posing an internationalist solu-
tion to the problem of the TUC, the anti-
capitulationist faction try to find a middle
road between the pre-liberationist concept
of a "republic" and the existing reality.
Unable to find this middle road, some of
them have moved toward the position of
"displaced nationalist orphans" seeking im-
perialist succor, from the British TUC.
Again and again, the national question is
the stumbling block of the progress of the
working class. In the north—which is a pup-
pet imperialist state—the national question
is predominant. To a greater extent in the
north all political issues are decided in the
last analysis on partition. The Unionists of
the north, with their police state, are deter-
mined to hang on to the prerequisites they
receive under imperial preference. The end-
ing of the border would mean for the north-
ern capitalist class its denouement. De-
prived of their political hegemony and the
system of imperial preference the specific
weight of capitalist relations would pass in-
to the hands of the southern capitalists.
Consequently, the political manipulators in
the north base themselves on sectarian big-
otry, police terror, and a host of other sub-
terfuges, including rigged elections.
Against this background the politicaliza-
tion of the workers and the middle classes
will grow apace. The emergence of a strong
labor party, farmers and other petty bour-
geois groupings will decisively draw the
class lines. Until this relationship of class
forces materializes we believe that the func-
tion of a revolutionary socialist party will
be restricted to theoretical entrenchment
and the building of a cadre organization,
with an orientation toward entering the big-
ger workers' parties.
Stalinist influence is strictly undercover.
What semblance of open Stalinist activity
did exist was driven underground by the
Anglo-Russian alliance, in 1941. The Irish
masses, steeped in anti-imperialist preju-
dices, were in no frame of mind to respond
to the support of Britain's war effort. Al-
though large masses of Irish workers were
forced to emigrate to the British forces and
war factories, out of purely economic rea-
sons. Stalinist infiltration into the Labor
Party provided a new field of activity for
the activists. On the other hand, it became
an institution of retreat for the soul-sick,
before their ultimate demoralization. In
1943 the LP bureaucracy, under pressure
from bourgeois-catholic opinion forced the
expulsion of leading Stalinists from the
party. However, there still exists a fraction
inside the LP and an outside nucleus which
publishes a monthly called Review. The
Irish-Soviet Friendship Society is also used
as a vehicle of Stalinist politics and sympto-
matic of the degeneration of even the Irish
CP" all" the members and patrons of the
SFS are petty-bourgeois dilettantes and
fellow-travellers of this unstable human
species. Not one genuine worker has entered
the ranks of the Stalinists since the "party"
was liquidated in 1941. Prior to this the
Stalinists had a good proletarian base in
the trade unions; but demoralization of
their best militants, flowing from the oppor-
tunist policy of the leadership, has led in
every instance to capitulation to the bureau-
cracy and unbridled careerism.
Catholic consciousness is a terrific factor
in relation to the growth of the socialist
movement in Ireland. In this respect the
Stalinist policy is treated with the greatest
hostility by the ecclesiastics. This is facili-
tated by the role that the church plays in
relation to the state. Catholicism in Ire-
land is the established religion, enjoying, as
all state-integrated religions enjoy, the priv-
ilege of being the ideological watchdog of
capitalism. The cowardly labor leadership
panders to the caprices of the ecclesiastics,
and the religious prejudices of the masses.
Church intervention in labor disputes on the
side of the bosses is the rule, regardless of
the degree of justification for a determined
stand on behalf of the workers. State edu-
cation is entrusted to the clergy who oper-
ate the schools, both clerical and lay. Catho-
lic obscurantism added to the bi-lingual
method of tuition produces an almost illiter-
ate worker, who is highly susceptible to
pogrom indoctrination by fascists, Clerical-
ism, and sectarian nationalism. Whilst, on
the other hand, the colossal arrogance and
apparent impregnability of the church, and
the unchristian behavior of its ministers
will lead to anti-clerical excesses experi-
enced in Spain, when the situation is pre-
revolutionary.
NI feb 1947

This website uses cookies, you can find out more and set your preferences here.
By continuing to use this website, you agree to our Privacy Policy and Terms & Conditions.