Marxism and war

Trotskyism, Stalinism and the Second World War Matthew Wed, 10/25/2017 - 10:42

Barry Finger reviews The Two Trotskyisms Confront Stalinism: the Fate of the Russian Revolution volume two, edited by Sean Matgamna (Workers’ Liberty, 2015).


­Revolutionary socialism at its liveliest is always a vast theatre of ideological battlegrounds, a Permanent War of Questions, as Julius Jacobson — a one-time follower of Max Shachtman — so aptly put it.

Connolly and the First World War

Submitted by Matthew on 31 August, 2016 - 12:24

Part 11 of Michael Johnson’s series on the life and politics of James Connolly. The rest of the series can be found here.


In March 1914, Asquith made his new and final proposal on Home Rule, putting forward a scheme whereby the Ulster counties could exclude themselves from the new Irish constitution. It was supposed to be a temporary exclusion, for six years, but a general election in the interim delivering a Tory majority could make it permanent.

Treize questions sur le terrorisme, l’intégrisme et l’anti-impérialisme

Submitted by cathy n on 18 December, 2015 - 3:45 Author: Colin Foster

* Ce texte a été publié en 2001 dans Workers Liberty, publication de l’Alliance for Workers Liberty, au moment de l’intervention américano-britannique en Afghanistan. (NPNF)

1. Comment peut-on affronter le problème du terrorisme et de l’intégrisme (1) ?

Articles on socialists, the working class and "Remembrance"

Submitted by AWL on 7 November, 2014 - 12:27

Why the poppy is wrong (November 2010)

"Our remembrance" - speech by Ed Maltby (November 2012)

We need our own remembrance (March 2013)

Plus materials on the 2012 University of London Union controversy, in which ULU Vice President Daniel Cooper was witch-hunted for taking an anti-militarist stand:

Czech Imperialism and the National Question in Central Europe (1938)

Submitted by dalcassian on 21 July, 2014 - 2:13

Between the two imperialists world wars the Marxists considered Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Poland to be imperialist powers, because in these three states there were oppressed national minorities – Croats, Kosovars and others in Yugoslavia, Slovakians and Sudeten ethnic Germans in Czechoslovakia, Ukrainians in Poland. If it could be taken apart from the entire context which in fact it had, and if German imperialism had not been German imperialism, Hitler's claim to the Sudetenland, where the majority wanted to unite with Germany, would have been more or less reasonable.

Collapse and resistance: the workers' movement facing World War One

Submitted by AWL on 3 July, 2014 - 6:45

In the twenty or thirty years before World War One, mass socialist and trade union movements were built across Europe, starting off very small in the 1880s and acquiring such strength by, say, 1905 that most of their activists believed that they would soon be able to overthrow capitalism.

The Peace Programme (1915)

Submitted by AWL on 19 January, 2014 - 10:52

I. What Is a Program of Peace?

What is a program of peace? From the viewpoint of the ruling classes or of the parties subservient to them, it is the totality of those demands, the realization of which must be ensured by the power of militarism.

Hence, for the realization of Miliukov’s “peace program” Constantinople must be conquered by force of arms.

Vandervelde’s “peace program” requires the expulsion of the Germans from Belgium as an antecedent condition.