An Israeli socialist believes that the Olmert government should be defended against the attacks of the right
The political situation in Israel has changed dramatically since the Israeli police have discovered new evidences concerning the alleged corruption of ruling Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert. Olmert enjoyed a relative rise in his popularity before the police investigation; he launched peace talks with Syria and challenged President Assad; he initiated an ambitious world campaign against the totalitarian regime in Iran; he deepened his ties with the U.S. administration of President George W. Bush whilst creating good relations with the Democratic presidential nominee, Barack Obama, and the Republican candidate, John McCain.
Olmert didn't expect this new development, not to mention the putsch led by the rightist Labor leader and Defense Minister, Ehud Barak. Barak, who was afraid of being tied to Olmert and evaluated that the government is about to fall, tried to force Kadima party – Olmert's party – to nominate new chairperson through primaries and replace the Prime Minister without going to elections. Barak, veteran politician with bitter experience in politics based on his first term as Prime Minister, was pressed by the Left wing in the Labor party and political commentators to break with Olmert who is suspected in big bribe scandal. Reading the polls that expect overwhelming collapse of the party and rise in the power of the Right led by former Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, Barak fears new elections and prefers new, unelected government that will be able to rule until 2010. The political turmoil is about to escalate as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tzipi Livni, and the Minister of Transport (and former Minister of Defense), Shaul Mofaz, are trying to replace Olmert although the latter announced that a resignation is not an option as long as there is no official indictment.
The Alternative: Fascistic-Nationalist Government
Although Olmert is certainly a right-winger, a close friend of Bush and well-known charlatan when it comes to true peace talks and political problems, his government is regarded by many Leftist as the "lesser-evil". In spite of his outrageous capitalist and chauvinist policies, Olmert is an old fashion Israeli liberal with bourgeois views. In comparison to Netanyahu, or to the fascistic Our Homeland Israel party led by Avigdor Lieberman MK (who is expected to grow due to the recent polls), Olmert is a genuine dove. Without reducing his crimes against the Lebanese masses during the Second Lebanon War, without forgiving him for hurting the education and health systems, without leaving the critical approach to his militarist and chauvinist views that aim at inflaming the region with superfluous war against the Iranian dictatorship – Olmert is better than a warmongering government led by the most pervert elements in the Right.
There is no wonder why neither the Meretz party nor the Arab parties, among them the bankrupted Communist Party, opposes new elections – and new government led by the Right. The pressure which is posed on the Labor leadership, which fears a collapse of the party, comes from the most contemptuous rightist groupings and lobbies, from the most outspoken rightist journalists and capitalists, such as the billionaire Sheldon Adelson, who founded a daily newspaper in Hebrew – Israel Today – which does ongoing propaganda for Binyamin Netanyahu. In many senses, Israel resembles the Weimar Republic led by the ousted liberals and social-democrats of pre-Nazi Germany, a moment before the rise of the National Socialist party.
Without giving any kind of political support to Olmert, the Left has to unite its ranks and files, and build national united front against the attempt of the Right to overthrow Olmert and – in a very democratic manner – to establish a government of bloody war, of no respect to human and civil rights, of terrible chauvinism, rude xenophobia, homophobia, ultra-liberalism and radical aggression against the workers' movement.
A situation of immediate threat to the workers' movement, to the rights of the laboring Jewish and Arab masses, to the future of the peoples of the region, has no positive content whatsoever when it comes to determining whether Olmert and Co. should continue to rule. Olmert is certainly a blatant maneuver, discredited opportunist, a man without any dignity. But his opponents are known fascists; youth groups who are associated with the milieu of Lieberman's supporters and sympathizers in the recent elections, most of them Russian immigrants, were revealed as Nazi activists. It is a serious warning to every sane Leftist.
And What's Next?
Israeli socialists should seek to build new workers' party and national unity of all socialist tendencies in the Left. There is a great need to build a united front of all Left parties and bring down the right. Without this perspective, the fragile Left will not be able to block the Right. In spite of years of mutual hatred and decades of controversies, the Left has to rebuild itself through maximum cooperation and sincere discussions within its ranks. The Left should update its outdated program, to rethink the role it plays in the unions, to re-examine years of infinite splits; the Left should overcome its historic problems by creating a common ground for joint political action.
The petty-bourgeoisie would support any political stream which will promise to ease and improve its condition; the Left has to think once again of its political subject and reorient itself toward the working class. Trotsky wrote, "The fascists find their human material mainly in the petty bourgeoisie. The latter has been entirely ruined by big capital. There is no way out for it in the present social order, but it knows of no other" (From Whither France? 1934). The petty-bourgeoisie, hailed by social-democratic theoreticians as the most advanced factor in building just society, will not oppose new regime with fascist orientation.
The only way to prevent a new reactionary government is not only to back the current government against the fascist attacks, but also to regenerate the Left as political alternative through maximum unity in action and agreed program based on the needs of the workers, the youth, the pensioners and the unemployed. A new socialist direction can stop the right and fight it until the awaited victory.